Interview: Chief Egunwale Amusan

1921 Tulsa Race Massacre: Fighting for Memory and Justice
 
A descendant of victims of the 1921 Tulsa race massacre, the worst supremacist terrorism in US history, Chief Amusan is a tireless and prominent activist.

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In this interview, he shares his views on Tulsa´s first black mayor, Monroe Nichols, and what he expects from the justice system. In a historical environment of lies, manipulations, and impunity regarding the race massacre that killed at least 300 black people, and burned down the most flourishing Black community in the US at the time.

Edu Montesanti: Comment on your family members involved in the massacre, Chief: who they were, and how they were victimized by the white supremacist attacks.

Chief Amusan: My grandfather Raymond Lee Beard was just a tender baby of approximately 7 months old when one of the most heinous racist attacks against black people in U.S. history erupted on the night of May 31st, 1921. At the time, he was in the care of his sister and brother, Mary and Matthew Beard, who were living at 524 North Greenwood Avenue, where they operated a laundry service out of their residence.

My grandfather Raymond was miraculously carried to Sapulpa where his older sister Lilliane and her husband raised him to adulthood after the passing of his mother. He later served in World War II, returned to Greenwood in the 1940s, and lived there until he died in 2003.

After the massacre, my great-uncle Matthew left Tulsa with his family and moved to Los Angeles, California. The fifth-born child of Matthew and his wife Johnnie Mae, was named Matthew, Jr. He became known as the famed Little Rascals TV star Stymie Beard.

According to census records, it appears that Matthew and his wife changed their names when they moved to Los Angeles sometime after the massacre. I am not completely sure what happened to my grandfather’s sister Mary after the massacre.

I’ve worked for many years to recover the real history of Greenwood and that of my family. I have been haunted by the fear that Mary was killed, and her body dumped in a mass grave like the one discovered at Oaklawn.

How much is the massacre present in your family today, and in the families of black victims of Tulsa as a whole today?

Many oral histories have recorded the agony of the people incarcerated in multiple internment camps. It includes people who were not permitted to recover or even search for the bodies of their loved ones.

All this compounded violence has fed the ongoing trauma for the two living survivors and descendants of the Tulsa Race Massacre. Tulsa’s history of racism, slavery, and colonialism is little known or acknowledged in America.

Why did you decide to write America’s Black Wall Street, and how was the experience of writing the book?

I first learned about the legacy of Black Wall Street in 1992 when I met author Ron Wallace, who had just published Black Wall Street: The Most Prolific African American Community in the History of America. His book introduced me to a history I had never been taught—one of prosperity, cultural richness, and political strength in Greenwood before the 1921 Massacre. This revelation was a turning point in my life.

As I pieced together the story of Black Wall Street, the Massacre, and the Greenwood I was raised in, I realized how much had been erased by biased narratives that upheld white triumphalism. The more I learned, the less the conventional explanations made sense. The claim that the destruction of a three-square-mile district was due to resentment from less fortunate whites seemed insufficient.

History shows that events like this are not just about envy but power and control. Black political independence has long been seen as a threat to white supremacy, and massacres like those in Opelousas (1868), Colfax (1873), and Wilmington (1898) were all driven by racial fear and the violent suppression of Black progress.

Before those events spawned by political action, thousands of black people were enslaved by Indians known as the five civilized tribes. The tribes were forced to free those enslaved people of African descent and offer citizenship in the treaty of 1866.

However, the tribes feared that these newly freed people would gain political power and control within the Oklahoma tribal nations once freed. This created long-lasting tension between the Indian tribes in Oklahoma and the black citizens known as black Indian freedmen. This is another part of Oklahoma history that very few people are aware of. 

Writing this book as a descendant of Greenwood was both a duty and a deeply personal journey. It was about reclaiming a buried history and exposing the political forces that sought to erase it. Napoleon Bonaparte once said, “History is a set of lies that have been agreed upon.” My goal was to challenge those lies and bring the truth of Black Wall Street to light.

When Tulsa Mayor G.T. Bynum announced the investigation into the 1921 massacre graves, he pledged it would be conducted like a “homicide investigation” and formed a Public Oversight Committee, including descendants and community leaders—I was among those selected. Excavations began on June 1, 2021, the centennial of the massacre, drawing national attention.

Over three weeks, at least 35 sets of remains were discovered, 19 carefully exhumed. The most significant find came on June 23rd—human remains with gunshot trauma, the strongest evidence of massacre victims.

Yet, just two days later, the city abruptly halted the excavation without consulting the Oversight Committee, offering no clear explanation. Instead of continuing the search, they announced plans to rebury the exhumed remains in the same site, a decision we unanimously opposed.

For me, witnessing the remains firsthand was deeply spiritual—I felt these souls saying, “Thank you for finding us.” Reburying them alongside their perpetrators felt like yet another cover-up, reopening generational wounds.

Despite setbacks, progress has been made. In July 2024, the first identified massacre victim, C.L. Daniel, a World War I veteran, was named through DNA analysis, offering a tangible connection to those who perished. In October 2024, the U.S. Department of Justice launched its first-ever federal review of the massacre, concluding in January 2025 that it was a “coordinated, military-style attack” on Greenwood.

While legal justice remains out of reach, organizations like Justice for Greenwood and the Greenwood Project continue the fight for truth and accountability.

Describe life in Tulsa today, especially regarding racism.

The failure of city and state authorities in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to provide comprehensive reparations has compounded the harms of the 1921, Tulsa race massacre. However, it’s important to note that 

In November 2024, Tulsa elected Monroe Nichols as its first Black mayor, marking a significant milestone in the city’s history. This election is particularly noteworthy given Tulsa’s historical context. Electing a Black mayor in a city that has traditionally leaned Republican suggests a shift in Tulsa’s political and social landscape.

It indicates a growing recognition of the need for inclusive leadership and a willingness to confront historical injustices. Nichols’ victory reflects a community desire to bridge racial divides and address systemic issues that have long affected Tulsa’s Black residents.

In many ways this election represents progress, it is a step within a broader, ongoing journey toward racial reconciliation and equity. The true measure of progress will depend on the policies implemented and the tangible improvements in the lives of all Tulsans, particularly those in historically marginalized communities.

In summary, Monroe Nichols’ election as Tulsa’s first Black mayor signifies a meaningful stride toward racial progress in a city with a complex history. It embodies a collective move toward inclusivity and a commitment to addressing past and present racial disparities. What’s most inspiring it that Tulsa’s new Mayor supports initiatives addressing the Race Massacre massacre’s aftermath. 

Among the Black community, is everybody, especially those who have ancestors victims of the massacre, really involved, Chief?

The community of descendants remains steadfast in the quest to obtain tangible restorative justice. One such effort is the Beyond Apology Commission.

The Commission aims to reconcile, restore, and unite Tulsa by advancing economic mobility, prosperity, and intergenerational wealth for massacre survivors, their descendants, and North Tulsa residents, particularly in the historic Greenwood District. The most recent effort is named the Greenwood Project.

How has been the state of mind in Tulsa, especially among the White, regarding this fight to re-tell the attacks and promote justice?

The amount of support from the white community in general has been somewhat supportive but that matters little if a white-controlled judicial system refuses to make racial repair and restitution a priority.

The interest is only made a priority if there is something to be gained ie. tourism.