Jailed oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky loses his oil empire completely

He still does not believe that he was foolishly let down

The former head of the oil company Yukos, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, became expansive in his interview to the Russian newspaper Vedomosti. He showed his absolute helplessness in managing business on his behalf. Being in isolation from the events related to the Yukos case, its head was still trying to stay in touch with the company as though a football coach deprived of riding the pine. He believed that he was still controlling the company's policy with his phone calls and written orders. He could not even imagine that his team was ruled by absolutely different people who were playing their own game.

Mikhail Khodorkovsky was forced to correct or even argue with his business partner Leonid Nevzlin many times. The latter who is a thousand miles from Russia turned out to be the master of the team who seized the reins of power pretending to make order on behalf of the “real coach.” Khodorkovsky objected once again to Nevzlin accusing Roman Abromovich of company's collapse. According to Khodorkovsky the Sibneft's owner is an innocent victim of circumstances (as Khodorkovsky himself, of course). The main villain of the story is Igor Sechin who is struggling for influence on President Vladimir Putin. 

Khodorkovsky suddenly felt affection for Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Executive Office, Vladislav Surkov, hoping that the latter will not keep him company in Moscow prison “Matrosskaya Tishina” (“Sailor's Silence”). Khodorkovsky's sincerity is under question. However, there is less room for doubts about the relevance of the information that is provided to the disgraced Yukos oligarch.

Mikhail Khodorkovsky bases himself upon Surkov's interview, the trustworthiness of which is still a subject to question.  He claims that he is building his hopes on charity and public services pointing to the funds supporting Russian poetry and philosophy and an association to help Russian convicts – organizations, which seem to function but nobody (including Khodorkovsky himself) has ever heard of them. He is making predictions about the political situation in Russia, relying on the facts provided by his agents. But he is not more than a loudspeaker for his informants. He does not have any other choice but to trust his friends. The question is to which extent these so-called friends can be trusted.

Khodorkovsky's hasty and contradictory statements seem to prove that he grasps the sense and the consequences of his own words post factum. And here comes the moment of refutation based on the fresh opinion of the prisoner.
 
Although in custody Mikhail Khodorkovsky got completely lost in politics. He still does not believe that he was foolishly let down, that his name is being speculated and that the movement for his support is a mere fake. Realizing this he abandons his old friends and backslides seeking new opportunities. He is not even scared of befriending his former sworn enemies.

At the moment Mikhail Khodorkovsky is driven into the corner where he realized that money is not enough to solve problems. As he is running out of money he decided to burn his boats and play poor oligarch who slid into a reverie over human soul and justice. But there is hardly anyone who would give shelter to the oligarch, although racked by remorse. The only option, which is left for Khodorkovsky, is going for social activity. He is of no use for the big politics already.

Ivan Nepluyev