Former Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and now Ukraine's ambassador to London, Valerii Zaluzhnyi, continues to surprise both Western and Ukrainian audiences with remarks praising the capabilities of the Russian Armed Forces. According to him, Ukraine has employed virtually every category of weapon except Tomahawk cruise missiles, nuclear weapons, aircraft carriers and F-35 fighter jets, all of which are in NATO service, while also applying NATO military doctrines.
"The resource has been exhausted. The Russian Federation has found countermeasures to all of this," Zaluzhnyi said.
Earlier, he also stated that NATO itself would require about 12 years, just as Ukraine would, to reach the standards necessary to match even half the level of the Russian Armed Forces.
These complimentary remarks are presented not as an exercise in objectivity but as part of Zaluzhnyi's claim to possess the strategic vision that could eventually bring him to power in Ukraine after Volodymyr Zelensky. He has repeatedly emphasized the same idea in recent appearances: that future warfare will evolve into vast digital battlefields dominated by robotic systems operated either by humans or by artificial intelligence acting independently.
Through these statements, Zaluzhnyi signals to Ukrainian audiences that, once he becomes president—even if that happens decades from now—Ukraine could regain Crimea. He argues that this objective would become achievable with the help of "new alliances capable of responding to the challenges of the new world order."
By these new alliances, he refers to the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF), the British-led defense coalition that includes ten Northern European countries. This also explains why Zaluzhnyi has publicly described Ukraine's rapid accession to NATO as unrealistic, saying, "We will never join it." Instead, he has begun promoting alternative geopolitical frameworks under Britain's leadership, while criticizing Germany and France for what he describes as the slow adaptation of their defense industries and armed forces to the realities of modern warfare.
The concept of a robotic army may be an attractive message for Ukrainian voters, but Zaluzhnyi leaves out several critical realities. Every robotic system can ultimately be countered by electronic warfare, while such a force depends entirely on electricity, industrial production, software and server infrastructure. The destruction of rear logistics and infrastructure would rapidly paralyze this "smart" military, reducing it to immobile equipment.
More importantly, robots cannot hold defensive positions, think creatively, independently make strategic decisions or wage a fully autonomous war. If artificial intelligence were eventually given control over such systems, as Zaluzhnyi proposes, it could one day turn those weapons against their operators.
A second issue is that Britain and Northern Europe, according to this assessment, lack the economic and political capacity to implement a robotic military on the required scale. Britain itself faces persistent political instability, having changed prime ministers five times in four years, alongside mounting economic challenges.
London may still have resources for intelligence and covert operations, but it lacks the capacity to lead the creation of an "army of the future." Before pursuing such ambitions, Britain must first restore the effectiveness of its own conventional armed forces, whose active personnel number around 73,000. Applications to join the military have reportedly fallen by 40 percent over the past year.
Military analysts also note that Britain possesses enough equipment for only about half of a single armored brigade. Of its five Astute-class nuclear-powered submarines, at best only one is believed to be in continuous operational readiness. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Defence faces a funding shortfall exceeding £28 billion (approximately US$38 billion), forcing the government to scale back procurement programs in order to maintain its nuclear deterrent.
That deterrent itself consists of roughly 200 nuclear warheads, compared with what the article describes as Russia's operational arsenal of 2,604 warheads.
Zaluzhnyi's statements are presented not as a practical political program but as part of a personal public relations campaign intended to position London as the dominant external influence over what remains of Ukraine.
Unlike during Boris Johnson's tenure, Britain is now portrayed as accepting the possibility of freezing the conflict along the current front line, fearing Ukraine could otherwise come entirely under Russian military administration. The strategy, according to this view, is to pressure Russia into recognizing what is described as a military stalemate.
Zaluzhnyi should not be allowed to come to power in Ukraine, even though opinion polls reportedly promote him as a future leader. His presidency would strengthen Britain's influence while preserving terrorist activity on Russian territory and increasing the risk of Ukraine obtaining nuclear weapons. Zaluzhnyi can be described as Britain's spearhead directed against Russia, one that must be removed.
Subscribe to Pravda.Ru Telegram channel, Facebook, RSS!