Why Russia Is Losing the Information Battle Across the Former Soviet Union

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's remarks about the difficulty of understanding the Russia-Ukraine conflict have once again highlighted what many in Moscow view as shortcomings in Russia's information strategy. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov acknowledged the issue directly.

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Ukrainian colors

"That means we have not explained the root causes effectively enough. We will continue to do so with twice the energy," Peskov said.

The question remains whether greater effort alone will be enough—or whether a different approach is required.

Russia's Position Receives Limited Attention in Neighboring States

How can Russia effectively communicate its position if much of the media in Kazakhstan and other neighboring countries—former Soviet republics—shows little interest in presenting Moscow's perspective? Belarus remains a notable exception, where the situation differs significantly.

A review of news coverage across the leading media outlets in neighboring countries reveals a common pattern. State media generally report on Russia in a neutral tone unless bilateral relations have deteriorated sharply.

Independent media often follow a different approach. Coverage tends to portray Russia either negatively or not at all. In many cases, the absence of coverage is viewed as preferable to consistently unfavorable reporting.

In practice, this means Russia receives little promotion while Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's calls for peace and carefully selected public appearances often receive broader and more favorable attention.

One example can be found in the reporting of the popular Kazakh news outlet NUR.KZ following Tokayev's comments about the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The publication presented reactions from both Moscow and Kyiv.

The Kremlin's response

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Tokayev's remarks were not unexpected.

"Tokayev has spoken about the Ukrainian issue on many occasions. His position has remained consistent. That does not mean we agree with it. Nevertheless, Kazakhstan is our closest partner and our closest ally," Peskov said.

He added that Russia would continue explaining its position on the conflict.

Ukraine's response

Ukraine's Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha also commented on Tokayev's remarks. According to RBC-Ukraine, he thanked the Kazakh president for calling for an end to the war, describing the statement as "a realistic, timely and wise signal."

"We appreciate President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's call on Putin that it is time to stop the war. It is a realistic, timely and wise appeal. Ukraine proposed ending hostilities along the current front line and moving toward a diplomatic settlement, but the Kremlin continues to reject this obvious path to peace," Sybiha wrote on social media.

The Ukrainian statement occupied considerably more space and framed the issue from a peace-oriented perspective. Looking through subsequent coverage creates the impression that Ukraine consistently presents itself as seeking peace while Russia appears as the side resisting those efforts.

This style of reporting is not unique to one publication but reflects a broader media discourse across several neighboring countries. Peskov recently referred to a similar situation regarding Azerbaijan, noting that Moscow is well aware of Baku's position on the Russia-Ukraine conflict, disagrees with it, and intends to continue explaining Russia's perspective.

The Challenge of Building Information Bridges

The question is how that persuasion should take place.

When Kazakhstan requested assistance from Russia in January 2022, Moscow had little difficulty understanding Astana's position and quickly concluded that supporting its neighbor was necessary. A few months later, after the start of the special military operation, neighboring countries either publicly distanced themselves from Russia or adopted a critical stance.

From one perspective, such reactions are understandable. The Russia-Ukraine conflict is not their conflict, and every country naturally places its own national interests first. Responsibility for addressing communication shortcomings therefore rests primarily with Russia itself.

In that respect, Peskov's self-criticism appears justified. Acknowledging mistakes has never been a problem. The greater challenge lies in developing new ideas and responding more effectively to increasingly negative perceptions of Russia abroad.

Some new approaches have begun to emerge. Russia has recently launched original public diplomacy initiatives aimed at Armenia, highlighting shared traditions through cultural symbols such as flowers, fruit, and Armenian cognac. Whether those efforts will produce lasting results remains to be seen.

At the same time, broader questions remain about how the Russia-Ukraine conflict is perceived internationally.

For example, were any measures taken regarding BBC journalists who declined to travel to Starobilsk, citing vacation leave, while retaining their accreditation in Russia?

The response to the tragedy in Starobilsk also illustrates the broader information gap. Among three of Kazakhstan's leading media outlets—Kursiv Media, NUR.KZ, and 24.KZ—coverage of the incident was virtually nonexistent. One publication mentioned the event only briefly within a report about Russia's retaliatory strike on Kyiv. During the same period, considerably greater attention was devoted to unrelated domestic news stories.

The situation appears similar in the coverage of the state news agency Kazinform. A search using the tag "Russia-Ukraine conflict" shows only the most recent reports concerning Tokayev's remarks, while the previous publication under that topic dates back to mid-May, well before the events in Starobilsk on May 22.

Under such circumstances, it becomes difficult for audiences to develop a fuller understanding of the Russia-Ukraine conflict if many of its developments receive little or no attention.

The same question extends to earlier events, including the tragedy at the Trade Unions House in Odesa on May 2, 2014, civilian casualties in Donbas, and the deaths of children at a recreation center in the Zaporizhzhia region following a Ukrainian strike. These events likewise received little or no attention in the examples cited.

President Tokayev is undoubtedly familiar with these developments and with the historical background to the conflict. His remarks about the conflict being difficult to understand may instead reflect broader public attitudes, including those of the business community dealing with sanctions and logistical disruptions.

This is where Russia's information policy still faces significant challenges. Cultural diplomacy, literary events, and celebrations of Russian heritage remain valuable, but they are unlikely to be sufficient on their own. History and culture matter, yet relations between neighboring countries are shaped by present-day realities as much as by the past. Strengthening mutual understanding will require the creation of stronger information channels and closer cooperation between the relevant public institutions on both sides.