Brazil is going through a long and busy process of institutional rupture, qualified as a political coup, articulated and developed by agencies located in the order of capital
Brazil is going through a long and busy process of institutional rupture, qualified as a political coup, articulated and developed by agencies located in the order of capital, in the private apparatus of hegemony and in the State apparatus. It is the most severe, deliberately confused, and successful political action encouraged by the conservative and reactionary media; fostered by the militant leniency of the judiciary; by the practice of political organization of the Public Ministry and by a selective / directed behavior of the repressive apparatuses: Federal Police and the "slave" arm of the capitalist State in Brazil, PM.
This situation arises from the contradictions that broke the Brazilian political scene in 2013, listed, on the one hand, based on the basic needs and lack of priorities in Brazilian public policy before the investments in the World Cup among us; and on the other hand, conformed in the conservative and reactionary hordes of the petty bourgeoisie who had for some time nurtured daily fascist dreams and identified in social rights the problem of their decadence. This social segment managed to open a new cycle of the right in Brazil. However, this torrid social phenomenon was not quickly identified, so it distorted itself in the role of conflicts and those who were fighting on the streets of the country, allowing the obscurantist "aberration" to take over the public space.
In this context, the block of class struggle impacted by the government's apassivation, and by an immense difficulty in unveiling the Brazilian political scene on the part of the socialist left, confused the sense of the contradictions in progress in an increasingly blurred environment and with a rapid change in force relationship between the disputed blocs: the right in its new cycle, the burgo-petista (PT) government, the socialist left and the petit-bourgeois revolutionism of some organizations in the left field.
During this long period, when the conjuncture was on fire, the process of class conciliation was reaffirmed in the old style of the pact of bourgeois autocracy so present in the political history of Brazil, not allowing the PT and CUT to understand the main contradiction and become secondary to ongoing struggles. It was hoped at the palatial tables that the agreements reached by the summit, established at the counter of small politics, would solve the serious political problems and their economic vectors (encouraged or not). The temporal lapse, in the rapid conjuncture, was tamed by the impacted mass presence of the proto-fascist hordes; the counter of the policy advanced with the behavior of the parliament; the main factions of the bourgeoisie, though disjointed from the business of politics in parliament, realized that the illegitimate government and the Parliament of commerce approved the most genuine product of their interests at the touch of exceptional actions. The zone of comfort was created so that the internal bourgeoisie, consorted with imperialism, even with many contradictions among its fractions, could create conditions to increase and revalue the rates of profit in the short term. The bourgeois block got what it wanted: to accelerate the conquest of the state for the new formatting of its legal order. They have built the rupture within the rupture and are "perfecting" formal democracy to "legalize" their class actions and criminalize the social struggle.
The current conjuncture, of high impact by the contradictions of the political dispute, has "renewed" the characterization of fascism. Within its daily practice, fascism presents itself from xenophobia, from attacking social subjects that are framed in the field of oppression, from a new Pentecostalism centered on the worship of the god Manon (the cult of money), with ideas and regressive practices in social life, obscurantist behavior and influence within the ideological dispute that has moved the bourgeois media. We are living under the onslaught of hordes who want regressiveness in the arts, culture, and sciences, and who are trying to move forward to build a reactionary culture that will jeopardize human relations by consolidating their project of capitalist barbarism. However, the different characterization of fascism presented by Marxist social theory still remains valid. Therefore, from this categorial logic, and its adherence to concrete reality, we are not yet living a classic cycle of fascism between us.
The field of class dispute shows a favorable relation of force to the bourgeois block and its agents. This open correlation demonstrates the historical necessity of building a proletarian bloc that needs to move the workers, the poor on the periphery and the oppressed of various conformations to take the political protagonism of the internal bourgeoisie and defeat the actions of everyday fascism.
Now, for the role of the judiciary and the prosecution in the criminalization of former President Lula. Acting in a selective manner, guided by a deep class prejudice, broadening the ambitions of bourgeois autocracy, these agencies of the capitalist state operated with the various political and ideological manipulations to create the apex of the process of reconfiguration of the capitalist order and its formal democracy: This confrontation promoted by the state apparatus, in the service of the ideological dispute, did not foresee that the working class, the poor and the oppressed would move the Brazilian left to act in a unitary way, enabling the construction of the broadest unit in defense of liberties democratic and popular interests. The necessary confrontation is being built. Workers and popular movements began to unveil the political scene; surrounded Lula in class solidarity, said that we can resist and face the enemy wherever he finds himself. The battle of São Bernardo, in São Paulo, elevated the politics to a new level of the relation of force. However, the lesson was very lively: the squares and streets would have been the most qualified places to confront the bourgeois block instead of class conciliation and the promiscuity of politics. The bourgeoisie, with its state apparatus, never reported that it was arresting for political reasons. In Brazil of the twenty-first century, the discourse of corruption has been the most explosive fuel that the corrupt logic of the capitalist state has encountered to misrepresent politics and build new cycles of power, putting the halter in common as a new garb for subaltern domination. However, this time, the possibility is opened for the workers and the poor to understand that the struggle against the promiscuity of the capitalist state has no end within the order of capital, we must move forward in the proletarian self-construction. The order of capital flouted the constitution, wounded formal democracy, built the rupture within the institutional rupture, and struck the so-called rule of law of the capitalist fetish. The class contradiction is stating that we need to draw the proper lessons from this process. We have many hypotheses, however, some were unveiled: the first is that the capitalist state is a class dictatorship; the second is that the process of exception of the rules of the bourgeois order is gradually built up and that the conciliation of classes has fermented the expansion of this picture;the third, Lula, now discarded, was identified as a class enemy. Therefore, at the threshold of the 21st century, the former president became a political prisoner of the new cycle of the right in Brazil. Therefore, the defense of their freedom and their political rights can be an initial step towards building the united front against counter-reforms, workers' rights, mortar necessary to defeat the regressive regimes, obscurantism and advance in the construction of a platform of struggles that move the working class with all its specificities. The possibility of the unity of popular forces that is under construction in Brazil, especially from the process to arrest the former president, has to take into account the project of the workers, the situation of the oppressed and the field of struggle we want to build. After all, a possibility opens up from these moments of condensation of crises that we are experiencing, so that the proletarian bloc can awaken to fight for the progressive guidelines, acting with firmness and determination. At first, within the framework of civil disobedience and secondly, fighting for People's Power.
KGB General Nikolai Leonov, who personally knew Lee Harvey Oswald, talks about the version of John F. Kennedy's assassination on the orders from Nikita Khrushchev