No Exit for Colombia Out of Politics and Democracy

No Exit for Colombia Out of Politics and Democracy

By Gilberto Maringoni in Carta Maior

Steeped in a backdrop of political violence for almost five decades, Colombia elected on the last day, June 20, Juan Manuel dos Santos for the presidency in the second round, with 69% of the votes.  The candidate is supported by current President, Alvaro Uribe. Santos was his Minister of Defence, one of the organizers of the escalating war against the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and active supporter of the military agreement which allowed the installation and expansion of U.S. bases in the country.

The presidential race also involved Antanas Mockus, former mayor of Bogota, from the Green Party, who won 27.5% of the votes. In the first round, Gustavo Petro also participated, a senator and former guerrilla fighter, member of the Democratic Pole, a coalition of leftist parties, giving 9.5% of voter preference.

Under the management of Uribe, Colombia became, along with Mexico, the greatest bulwark of the George W. Bush government's policy in Latin America. Besides the bases and a significant increase in his military budget, various paramilitary groups act with official complacency in combating the armed opposition.

To evaluate the political scene of the country, Carta Maior interviewed Carlos Lozano. Board Member of the National Democratic Pole, a member of the Central Committee of the Colombian Communist Party and editor of the weekly Voz, the official organ of the party. Lozano, 62, comments on the election results, U.S. influence and official power as it relates to the media in his country. The following are key excerpts from the conversation.

Carta Maior: What is the political situation after the victory of Juan Manuel dos Santos?

Carlos Lozano: The parliamentary and presidential elections were held on the same characteristics that have marked our country for decades: a strong official support to Republican candidatess. Virtually all state resources were put at the service of parties linked to President Alvaro Uribe.

This applies, for example, with assistance programs. They coalesce millions of people. The law prohibits its use for electoral purposes. But there were complaints throughout the campaign. The beneficiaries were coerced into supporting official candidates, under penalty of losing their coverage. We also have news of armed proselytism, by paramilitaries, especially in rural areas, pushing farmers to vote in Santos.

CM: What was the role of opposition parties?

CL: The important aspect of these elections is that the polls have tried to create an apparent polarization between Juan Manuel Santos and Antanas Mockus. Some polls have even pointed to Mockus as being in front.

Two or three days before the first round, we had a technical tie, which did not materialize at the polls. The intention was clear: steal the scene from other forces, especially the left, represented by the Democratic Pole.

In the second round, the Pole proposed to Mockus an agreement on four points to support him. It was something perfectly feasible. Mockus did not accept, claiming, in the sectarian form, the desire to dispute with his own forces, without the need for allies. Here is the result.

Mockus actually represents a sector not tainted by cronyism and corruption. However, it is a sector to the right. In the city of Bogota, Mockus acted as a neo-liberal and not a real alternative. Still, we wanted to beat the worst, which was the continuity of Uribe. With the refusal of Mockus, we decided not to vote and not to endorse either candidate.

CM: What is Uribism?

CL: It is a current of ultra-right wing, which has grown in recent years, with the support in the traditional Liberal and Conservative parties. This current is linked to U.S. interests and militarism, with the strong influence of officials who passed through the School of the Americas. It is an anachronism, but it keeps on existing here.

The government claims to be building "democratic security" that will generate confidence and stability for international investments. Therefore, the Uribe government, more than any other in Latin America, has been promoting the free trade agreements, particularly with the United States, with Europe and with Canada.

CM: Uribe is really popular?

CL: We must take into account the precarious nature of Colombian democracy. Moreover, we cannot disregard the existence of an important sector of the population, not just the wealthy, who support the government. This includes middle and popular sectors.

Support is there, but not as big as they claim. The elections were 55% abstentions, because the vote here is not mandatory. Thus, Juan Manuel Santos had most of the minority, the 45% who voted, about 30% of all voters. In the two elections won by Uribe, the failure was also similar.

CM: What impact has the election had on military agreements with the United States, signed last year?